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Opinionsundersökning via SMS
October 31st, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Joe Trippis Change for America har en viktig blog
om Zogby Internationals opinionsundersökning av hur de tÀnker rösta.
Kom ihÄg att USA hittils har legat lÄngt efter Europa och speciellt Skandinavien i mobiler. Men just i Är sÄ har USA kommit ifatt, men trots detta har de etablerade opinionsundersökningarna fortsatt att endast utfrÄga de som har land-baserade telefoner. De flesta ungdomar idag har endast mobiler. SÄ just idag har Zogby-institutet publicerat den första undersökningen av just vÀljare med mobiler. Deras siffror ger Kerry en klar övervikt.
I Thought Polls Didn’t Call Cell Phones?
Well, now they do, thanks to Zogby International in partnership with Rock the Vote. Remember how all the talking heads dismiss this little detail, instead relying on polling methods that were fixed on people with only land lines? Remember how the blogosphere is always citing how many people under 30 don’t even have land lines anymore? Zogby proved us right:
Among 18-29 year-old likey voters, MoE 1.2%:
Kerry 55% Bush 40% Nader 1.6%
Now the talking heads will have to remind us that this age group doesn’t vote. Zogby has something to say about that in this poll as well:
The poll also found that only 2.3% of 18-29 year-old respondents said they did not plan to vote, and another .5% who were not sure if they would. The results of the survey are weighted for region, gender, and political party.
A poll of mobile phones using text messaging. It’s about time polls caught up to the real world. And good news for Kerry as well.
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BusinessWeek om Wiki-teknologin
October 31st, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Businessweek har en intressant artikel om Wiki-teknologins snabba framsteg i USA.
Det hÀr Àr en mycket intressant artikel som jag hoppas att svenskar med start-up företagsideer lÀser.
Socialtext, Ross Mayfield’s Web-collaboration outfit, is the antithesis of the cash-fat startup, but its aims are hardly modest
At first glance, Socialtext doesn’t look like a company running on a shoestring budget. Founded less than two years ago, it now has more than 50 customers around the world, including Walt Disney (DIS ) and Eastman Kodak (EK ), which use its Web software to help people collaborate online. Yet a peek behind the slick Web site reveals a truly virtual company: no offices, only 10 full-time people — all working at home, and a chief executive who answers the phone himself.
Socialtext co-founder and CEO Ross Mayfield makes no apologies for the threadbare setup. Increasingly inexpensive and ubiquitous information technologies such as the Internet, wireless connections, and cheap computer servers, he says, allow him to run the company with far less money and fewer people than he could have a decade ago — without scrimping on features or quality. Says the 34-year-old serial entrepreneur: “This is the prototype of the new Internet startup.”
BEATS A HUNDRED E-MAILS. That’s not a boast. It’s the stark new reality for many tech entrepreneurs. Socialtext is helping forge this new path — not the least with its own software. Based in Palo Alto, Calif., Socialtext sells so-called wiki software. Offered as a service over the Web, the software makes it quick and easy to set up Web sites with a simple browser.
Anyone in a company or department can post material on these wikis, and anyone else, subject to approval by the creator, can edit or add to them. They’ve become a cheaper, more flexible collaboration alternative to both overtaxed e-mail and complex groupware such as IBM’s (IBM ) Lotus Notes.
Essentially, Socialtext’s wiki software allows everybody in a group or even a whole company to literally stay on the same page — that is, on their shared Web pages. That speeds up everything that involves coordination, helping to cut costs.
Stata Labs, a San Mateo (Calif.) startup that makes e-mail software, uses Socialtext’s wiki service to track projects, post presentations, and allow employees and partners from Boston to India to work more closely together. Although Stata can’t quantify the exact savings, it has reduced a raft of expenses. The wiki has made it easier to outsource programming and public relations and reduced the need for constant back-and-forth via e-mail and phone.
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Den svenska och amerikanska högern
October 31st, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
En intressant sak som jag har bloggat om flera ggr Àr den markanta kontrasten mellan den svenska och den amerikanska högern. Den svenska högern Àr, tror jag i alla fall, mer högutbildad Àn de som stöder den svenska vÀnstern, som mest förknippas med den gamla arbetarrörelsen. Men det Àr tvÀrt emot hÀr, som artikeln nedan visar. HÀr stöds högern av de lÄgutbildade medan de högutbildade Àr vÀnster. Vad betyder det för den svenska högerns framtid?
Driven by that current, the most important changes in voting patterns this year are less likely to reverse the trends of 2000 than to push even further in the same direction â with Democrats increasingly relying on upscale and better-educated voters and Republicans gaining among downscale voters mostly on noneconomic issues such as national security.
Four years ago, Bush ran even among voters with a college education. But recent polls show him trailing with that group, largely because he has lost support among college-educated men, traditionally a Republican constituency.
Bush may offset those gains by expanding his support among married women without a college education, the so-called “waitress moms” responsive to both his socially conservative and peace-through-strength messages.
These patterns have persisted even though Kerry has centered his economic message on a promise to defend middle-class families and Bush has built his economic agenda around tax cuts that have provided most of their benefits to the most affluent. And the frame Bush has tried to impose on the 2004 election seems designed to accelerate the trends.
Whereas Kerry has generally sought to blur ideological distinctions, Bush has aggressively tried to sharpen them, presenting the election as a choice between a liberal and a conservative. Like most of his policy decisions, Bush’s campaign strategy appears to have been aimed more at broadening his support among conservative-leaning constituencies than expanding his reach to moderates.
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“Du fĂ„r bara slĂ„ kristna tjejer”
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Det hĂ€r Ă€r en alldeles sann historia om min Ă€lste grabb Nils-Erik som nu Ă€r lĂ€ngre och betydligt smartare Ă€n jag. NĂ€r han var 5 Ă„r sĂ„ bodde vi i New Jersey och hans mamma brukade köra honom till skolan i Lawrenceville, en grön liten stad strax norr om Trenton. Fast man sa aldrig “norr om Trenton”, man sa alltid “söder om Princeton”, som var och Ă€r en ***mycket*** finare stad.
SĂ„ Nils-Eriks mamma körde honom till skolan, men hon var snĂ€ll, sĂ„ hon körde ocksĂ„ tre smĂ„ flickor som bodde pĂ„ samma gata. SĂ„ en dag sĂ„ frĂ„gade hon de smĂ„ flickorna vad det skulle göra? “I morgon skall vi till kyrkan och höra Guds” ord sade en av de smĂ„ fromma flickorna, vars förĂ€ldrar var bokstavstrogna och som trodde att Jesus hade gĂ„tt pĂ„ vattnet och mycket annat. Det var dĂ„ som Nils-Erik sĂ„g mycket förvĂ„nad ut. “Men hur kan ni göra det” frĂ„gade han förundrat, “det finns ju ingen Gud?”
Det var ett misstag han aldrig har begĂ„tt igen. Flickorna exploderade. “Han skĂ€ndar Gud” skrek de smĂ„ femĂ„ringarna och började slĂ„ Nils-Erik dĂ€r han satt i baksĂ€tet. Dom slog honom med sina knytnĂ€var, med sina skolböcker, med sina biblar, med sina dockor, de pucklade pĂ„ honom sĂ„ att hans mamma blev tvungen att stanna bilen och skrika “sluta brĂ„ka era dj-vla ungar”, eller nĂ„got liknande. N-E fick flytta fram till mamma i framsĂ€tet och de kristna djihadisterna fick baksĂ€tet till sig sjĂ€lva.
“Men varför slog du inte tillbaks” frĂ„gade N-Es mamma? “Ja men du har ju sagt att jag inte fĂ„r slĂ„ tjejer” kom det logiska svaret. “Hmmm, det Ă€r rĂ€tt, men om du rĂ„kar in i nĂ„got nytt religionskrig sĂ„ har du nu tillĂ„telse att slĂ„ tillbaks. ”
Lyckligtvis har N-E noggrant undvikit religionskrig efter den gÄngen. Han pluggar nu data och kommer att rösta pÄ Kerry.
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Michigan: Hur Karl Rove tÀnker vinna valet
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Kerrys kampanjorganisation har fokuserat pÄ att vinna Ohio och Florida och Pennsylvania, och de verkar ligga nÄgot före republikanerna dÀr just nu, kl 11 pÄ lördagsmorgonen kalifornisk tid.
Men Karl Rove, Bushs kampanjstrateg har öppnat en ny front i Michigan och New Mexico. Och Kerry verkar vara p vÀg att förlora Michigan, vilket han inte alls skulle ha behövt göra. Om republikanerna lyckas sÄ kan Kerry finna Florida, Ohio och Pennsylvania och ÀndÄ förlora valet om Bush vinner Michigan och New Mexico.
Valet Àr just nu, pÄ lördagen, sÄ utomordentligt jÀmt att ingen har en aning om hur det kommer att gÄ. Men Kerry har en bra chans.
Traditonellt vinner sittande presidenter antingen stort eller ocksÄ förlorar de. Men det Àr Ànnu lÄngt ifrÄn sÀkert att Bush kommer att förlora.
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Bloggare och Monicas kompis
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Monica har en intressant blog som ni bör kolla . Den Ă€r f.ö, skriven i B2Evolution , som Ă€r ett mycket bra Ăppen Kod verktyg.
Monica skrev en kommentar till min frÄga om vilka som lÀser svenska bloggar som fick mig att haja till.
En bekant till mig har en hemsida, men ingen blogg. Hon sĂ€ger att hon inte Ă€r intresserad av vad Nisse och Klara tycker i vissa frĂ„gor och att det “kĂ€nns” som att bloggvĂ€rlden Ă€r en plats för inbördes, om inte beundran, sĂ„ i alla fall - inget för UTOMstĂ„ende. Jag tror inte hon Ă€r ensam om att tycka sĂ„.
Vad som fick mig att haja till Àr att kompisen har vad jag tror Àr en typisk svensk attityd till auktoriteter, som jag tror kan förklara varför den svenska blogosfÀren aldrig kommer att bli procentuellt lika stor som den amerikanska.
I USA Àr en bloggare inte en Nisse eller Kalle utan en person som har etablerat sig som en auktoritet genom sitt bloggande.
USA har djupa sociala klyftor, men det Àr inte stratifierat som den gamla Wilhelminska Tyskland och vem som helst kan bli en auktoritet utan att ha en speciell titel eller position.
Om jag bloggar om sjukvÄrd t.ex. sÄ mÄste jag vara vederhÀftig, men jag behöver inte vara lÀkare eller sjukhusadministratör för att folk skall lyssna pÄ mig i USA. Jag tror att Monicas kompis har rÀtt. I Sverige skulle ingen lyssna pÄ mig för jag har inte en officell position inom sjukvÄrden.
Jag tror att Monicas kompis has slagit huvudet pĂ„ spiken om varför den svenska blogosfĂ€ren aldrig kommer att spela den stora roll som den gör i USA. Vi Ă€r helt enkelt för socialt stratifierade. Precis som det första vi frĂ„gar om Ă€r “Hur gammal Ă€r du” sĂ„ Ă€r nĂ€sta frĂ„ga: “vad har du för titel och position”. Utan vare sig titel eller position sĂ„ kommer ingen at lyssna pĂ„ oss. Och, Moment 22, har du titel och position skulle du aldrig nĂ„gonsin blogga. Det gör inte folk med titel och postion i Sverige.
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100.000 civila dödsoffer i Irak ?
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Den britiska medicinska tidskriften The Lancet har rapporterat att omkring 100.000 irakiska civila har
har dödats under ockupationen., frĂ€mst genom flygangrepp. Ăven om den exakta siffran Ă€r mycket svĂ„r att berĂ€kna sĂ„ hĂ„ller Irak-kriget snabbt pĂ„ att bli en katastrof för hela det irakiska folket.
The startling news that some 100,000 people, nearly all of them Iraqi civilians, have been killed in Iraq since the U.S. invasion in March 2003 should give Americans pause when considering the costs of the war. Until now, the official line from Washington has been that “we don’t count” Iraqis killed, only American soldiers killed. That total, more than 1,000, is bad enough. With this new scientific estimate, the consequences of this misbegotten war should be front-and-center in the coming days.
What is likely to cause considerable rancor in this new estimate is that most of the deaths reported were from U.S. bombing â nearly 80 percent â and not as a result of the insurgency. This scale of destruction is on par with the war in Vietnam.
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GOTV
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
GOTV, Get Out The Vote. Det blir inte mÄnga timmars sömn de nÀrmaste tre dagarna. VÀrldens framtid stÄr pÄ spel och om det finns nÄgra telefonlinjer mellan Kalifornien och Ohio som Àr öppna sÄ skulle jag bli förvÄnad.
Men det gÀller ocksÄ Kalifornien. Trots att Kerry kommer att vinna Kalifornien sÄ finns det en stor mÀngd republikaner hÀr i staten, speciellt i södra Kalifornien, som kommer att göra allt de kan för att stÀrka sin stÀllning.
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Marknadsför din blog!
October 30th, 2004 Kommentera här. 1 kommentar »
Den som studerar marknadsföring i USA eller Sverige fÄr snart lÀra sig hur viktigt det Àr att segmentera marknaden. Dvs att klart definiera i vilken marknad ens produkt eller tjÀnst skall sÀljas.
Man kan segmentera marknaden hur man vill, men det viktiga Àr att i den marknad man har definierat sÄ mÄste ens egen produkt, lÀs blog, vara en av de tvÄ största, annars kommer man förr eller senare att konkurreras ut.
Vad det hÀr betyder Àr att man ska inte börja med att lista sig med sökmaskiner eller aggregatorer, utan man skall börja med att klart definiera vilka lÀsare ens blog vÀnder sig till. Dvs man skall ha en klart definierad nisch.
Har man det sÄ Àr nÀsta steg att skaffa sig ett varumÀrke och först nÀr man har det skall man börja lista sig.
Ett av de första segmenteringsbesluten man mÄste fatta Àr att skriva pÄ svenska eller engelska. Om man vÀljer svenska vÀljer man alltsÄ bort alla de potentiella lÀsare som inte lÀser svenska.
Bloggar man sedan om den svenska sjukvÄrden sÄ vÀljer man bort alla som inte Àr intresserade av det Àmnet.
Men nu kommer en annan faktor med i bilder. Man mÄste fokusera pÄ ett klart definierat Àmne. Man kan t.ex. inte blogga om den svenska sjukvÄrden, brasiliansk technomusik, den japanska maffian och de svenska sÄgverkens utveckling pÄ 1930-talet.
Att skriva om sig sjÀlv fungerar endast om tiotusentals mÀnniskor tycker att man Àr en fascinerande mÀnniska.
Layout och grafik Ă€r ocksĂ„ mycket viktigt för bloggar, liksom ens varumĂ€rke. Dvs ens blog bör ha ett namn som folk lĂ€tt kommer ihĂ„g. Och jag tror sjĂ€lv att man skall undvika att anvĂ€nda ord som “dagbok” och “funderingar” i sin titel. TyvĂ€rr Ă€r det bara ens fru, mamma och kanske nĂ„gon enstaka kompis som Ă€r intresserad av ens funderingar eller ens dagbok.
Klarar man bara detta sÄ ÄterstÄr det viktigaste. Man mÄste kunna skriva bra och underhÄllande.
Webkrönikor Àr ett helt annat medium Àn tidningar. Det har sin egen still, sitt eget sprÄk. Om det enda vi gör Àr att skapa elektroniska tidningar sÄ kommer vi inte att överleva. Vi mÄste skapa nÄgot som komplemmenterar tidningarna. Bloggar Àr ett helt unikt nytt medium och vi mÄste utnyttja det, och tönja och utveckla det till fullo.
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Mobilporr
October 29th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Wired News har en artikel om mobilporr , dvs porr som sÀnds till mobiltelefoner. Denna ledsamma marknad vÀntas bli relativt stor om nÄgra Är.
Bloggers and journalists have been all over a Yankee Group study released Monday that predicts a $1 billion global market for mobile porn by 2008.
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Independent om stÀllningen i valet
October 29th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Independent har en bra artikel om stÀllningen i valet just nu. Kerry har initiativet men Bush-sidan Àr fortfarande mycket stark. Allt beror nu pÄ hur mÄnga vÀljare som Kerry kan fÄ till valurnorna pÄ tisdag .
But, even before the emergence of the video message by the al-Qa’ida leader, events are putting the Bush campaign on the back foot. It emerged yesterday that the FBI is investigating possible violations of military procurement rules by the Pentagon, over the award of contracts to repair Iraqi oil fields to Halliburton, formerly headed by the Vice-President Dick Cheney.
Mr Kerry’s running mate John Edwards instantly seized on the news: “You cannot stand with Halliburton, big oil companies and the Saudi royal family, and still stand up for the American people,” he told a cheering crowd in Davenport, Iowa  a swing state Mr Kerry is fighting to hold in the face of a strong Bush challenge. Yesterday, the Massachusetts senator did not mention the saga of the missing explosives, which he has raised again and again to illustrate how the Bush administration has bungled the post-war occupation.
The issue grows more confusing by the day. But ABC-TV showed a video clip of GIs at sealed al-Qaqa’a bunkers, suggesting the explosives were still there immediately after the invasion. In a sign of the Bush camp’s concern, the Pentagon yesterday called an unscheduled press conference to deny these claims.
Nor was that the end of the problems for Mr Bush. The President’s campaign has been caught doctoring a TV ad showing Mr Bush addressing a military audience. Simultaneously, aides were scrambling to explain away remarks by the former New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani suggesting that the military, not the President, was responsible for guarding the explosives. A cardinal rule of this campaign is that, while politicians are fair game, the armed forces are off-limits.
However the contest remains extraordinarily fluid. Nationwide polls mostly give Mr Bush a two or three point lead, within the statistical margin of error. But the news fluctuates daily from the dozen or so swing states where the candidates are spending all their time.
Mr Kerry appears to have taken a small lead in Ohio. However, the candidates are neck and neck in Pennsylvania and Michigan  previously considered safe for the Democrats.
Most surprising, perhaps, polls suggest Hawaii, normally a Democratic stronghold, has entered the mix. With the state’s four electoral votes apparently up for grabs, Mr Cheney has decided to make a time-consuming trip there tomorrow. Democrats countered by dispatching the former vice-president Al Gore and Mr Kerry’s daughter, Alexandra, to the islands.
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The Economist stöder Kerry
October 29th, 2004 Kommentera här. 2 kommentarer »
The Economist stöder Kerrys presidentkandidatur. . Inget visar hur extrem Bush-regeringen har blivit sÄ mycket som att the Economist, en Àrkekonservativ tidskrift, nu stöder Kerry.
Det Àr bra att se att Economist anser att Bush-regeringens anvÀndande av tortyr, den första amerikanska regering som nÄgonsin har gjort det, Àr helt förkastligt.
The biggest mistake, though, was one that will haunt America for years to come. It lay in dealing with prisoners-of-war by sending hundreds of them to the American base at GuantĂĄnamo Bay in Cuba, putting them in a legal limbo, outside the Geneva conventions and outside America’s own legal system. That act reflected a genuinely difficult problem: that of having captured people of unknown status but many of whom probably did want to kill Americans, at a time when to set them free would have been politically controversial, to say the least. That difficulty cannot neutralise the damage caused by this decision, however. Today, GuantĂĄnamo Bay offers constant evidence of America’s hypocrisy, evidence that is disturbing for those who sympathise with it, cause-affirming for those who hate it. This administration, which claims to be fighting for justice, the rule of law and liberty, is incarcerating hundreds of people, whether innocent or guilty, without trial or access to legal representation. The White House’s proposed remedy, namely military tribunals, merely compounds the problem.
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Tom Schaller om valet
October 29th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Tom Schaller Àr associate professor i political science vid University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Schaller har skrivit för Baltimore Sun, Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post och Salon. Han har en bra artikel i dalykos om valet
by Tom Schaller
Fri Oct 29th, 2004 at 13:35:57 GMT
Why are polls showing Kerry doing better in battleground states than the rest of the country? The answer may be found in this fact: The economies in the states that will decide who wins on Tuesday are doing worse than the rest of the country.
Let’s take a look at the 12 remaining battleground states: For fun, and as a sign of positive thinking, I’ve added Arkansas to Colorado, Florida, Iowa, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Nevada, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
Now, consider statewide performance relative to national trends on three economic measures:
Statewide job growth rate between January 2001 and June 2004, which declined nationally by 0.8 percent (National Journal, July 25, 2004 special issue).
Statewide median household income change between January 2001 and June 2004, which grew nationally at a rate of +11.0, a rate which essentially keeps pace with inflation (same source).
Statewide increase in percentage of people without health insurance between 1999-2000 two-year average and 2002-2003 two-year average, which increased nationally by 1.0 percent, from 14.0 percent to 15.4 percent between 99-00 and 02-03. (U.S. Census Bureau, compiled by Senate Joint Economic Committee).
What do we find?
On statewide job growth rates, only Iowa (at -0.4, still negative, but not as bad at -0.8) has done better than the national average. The other 11 states did worse.
On statewide income change, only New Mexico (16.1 income growth between 1/01 and 6/04) has done better than the national average. The other 11 states did worse.
And, on statewide share of persons without health insurance, only three states - Florida (-0.2) Minnesota (+0.5), and New Mexico (-2.8) - have done better than the national average. The other nine states did worse.
Taken together, that means that only one of the 12 battleground states (NM) has done better than the national average on two of these three measures, while three others (IA, FL, MN) have done better than the national average on one of the three. The remaining eight of the 12 states did worse on all three.
Obviously, these trends are interrelated: People who lose jobs see their household incomes drop and their insurance disappear. But the point is, whether one thinks the economy is improving or not, and whether one believes this president (or presidents generally) deserve credit or blame for the economy, because these figures are relative - they’re benchmarked against the national averages — the fact is that the battleground states have struggled disproportionately to the rest of the nation.
Iraq and the war on terror may be swamping economics in voters’ calculus. But the president had better hope that economics does not serve as a tiebreaker for swing voters in swing states.
Because, to voters in those states, “W” stands for “worse.”
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www.paidcontent.org/
October 28th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
PaidContent.org Àr en intressant sajt med en hel del bloginformation.
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Mer Hyperlokala nyheter
October 28th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Benicia News frÄn den lilla staden Benicia inte lÄngt hÀrifrÄn i Kalifornien Àr Ànnu ett exempel pÄ hyperlokala nyheter i USA
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Tycker moderaterna överhuvudtaget om USA?
October 28th, 2004 Kommentera här. 2 kommentarer »
De ryssar som trÀffade de svenska kommunisterna som kom pÄ besök till Sovjet pÄ 70 och 80-talen kunde bara skaka pÄ huvudet Ät deras stolligheter. De var helt ointresserade av ryssarnas vardag och verklighet. Sovjet för dessa hurtfriska svenska socialister med ett mÀnskligt ansikte var ett ideal som de bar i sina hjÀrtan och som livnÀrde dem i den bistra svenska vardagen. De sÄg men de sÄg samtidigt inte, den verklighet som tittade dom rakt i anskitet pÄ varje gata i arbetarnas paradis.
Det verkar vara precis detsamma med dagens USA-trogna svenska moderater och folkpartister. USA Àr deras drömmars land som de bÀr i sina hjÀrtan i den grÄa svenska socialistiska högskattevardagen. Utan detta drömmland tror jag inte att de skulle klara sig igenom en enda dag i Sverige. Och precis som de kommunstiska drömmarna sÄ kommer de hit och de ser inte vad de inte vill se.
De kan inte kritisera USA pÄ nÄgot sÀtt för gör de det sÄ gÄr de pÄ den svenska vÀnsterns USA-hatande linje. SÄ de ser inte alla fattiga, allt elÀnde, alla missförhÄllanden, alla inskrÀnkningar av grundlÀggande mÀnskliga rÀttigheter, för de Àr inte emotionellt utrustade att se dessa saker. De ser rakt igenom dom.
Vi har ibland intressanta diskusioner. De Ă€r för kriget i Irak och kan för sina liv inte förstĂ„ hur jag kan vara emot det. “Ja men Ă€r ni redo att offra era barn dĂ€r” frĂ„gar jag. De stirrar helt oförstĂ„ende pĂ„ mig. “Ja men det Ă€r det som jag liksom hundratusentals amerikaner ombeds göra” sĂ€ger jag.
De verkar inte alls bli illa berörda av att unga mÀn och kvinnor i deras drömland faktiskt dör i Irak. De Àlskar inte amerikanerna som reella mÀnniskor. De Àlskar en abstrakt bild av USA som inte har nÄgot med amerikanerna sjÀlva att göra. SÄ de unga amerikanerna fÄr dö och svenskarna tittar bort för att inte förstöra sitt ideal.
Amerikanerna som mÀnniskor Àlskar de inte alls. Dessa mÀnniskor kommer bara ivÀgen för svenskarnas abstrakta ideal, precis som de ryska dissidenterna kom ivÀgen för VPKs ideala pÄ 60 och 8-talen.
Moderaterna har ingenting att sÀga sina amerikanska vÀnner och vice versa. De Àr helt oförstÄende för varandra.
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USAs religiösa fanatiker
October 28th, 2004 Kommentera här. Inga kommentarer än »
Alternet har en bra artikel om hur de traditionella moderata amerikanska religiösa samfunden har urholkats och ersatts av alltmer militanta samfund.
And the big loser, the team whose members are walking off the field? Mainline Protestantism, the calm, reasoned faith that shaped this country from its colonial beginnings through the 1960s. Its liberal clergy pushed hard for social reforms, economic equality and civil rights. Its members, who used to be the northeastern sort of Republicans, are increasingly Democratic, more comfortable with John Kerry’s style than George Bush’s.
But the mainliners are quiet â and their numbers are diminishing so fast, they’re not sure they’d be heard if they screamed.
The Vanishing Protestant Majority, a recent University of Chicago study, reports that the overall percentage of Protestants in the U.S. may have already fallen below 50 percent. The total started to slide noticeably in 1993; and by 2002, it had fallen 11 percentage points, to 52 percent. “The change,” said Tom W. Smith, director of the General Social Survey whose data fed the study, “is big in magnitude and rapid in terms of demographics. The country is moving toward becoming a nation of minorities.”
In a Tower of Babel where everyone speaks a different moral language, one needs vast patience to learn the nuances. It’s easier to grab a phrasebook and make big gestures. Reach for people’s deepest needs, allay their fears, repeat the same simple phrases so people can nod in eager agreement.
It’s especially helpful if you can state, categorically, that God is on your side.
Getting Filled Up
West of St. Louis, in a moat of malls, farmland and faux-gentry subdivisions, the Family Church is holding its 7 a.m. Sunday service, the first of four. It’s barely sun-up, yet there are more people in these cushy movie-theatre chairs than most traditional churches see in their pews at their main service. The music is recording studio quality, and when Pastor Jeff, as though on impulse, invites someone to read from the Bible, the passage is instantly projected in big white letters on the wall.
He’s following the megachurch formula, anchoring his down-to-earth preaching in the Bible’s most hopeful passages and avoiding shame or hellfire. Thousands come to listen, excited by global missions and social outreach and eager for the 24/7 programming that addresses their personal problems, giving them firm rules and Biblical certainty without ever, ever judging them.
“We’re literally coming to the gas tank and getting filled up,” Pastor Jeff calls out, and a ripple of assent goes through the room. “So how do we obtain help from God for our needs?” He jokes that he made 35 altar calls before he felt secure about his own salvation. “Now I know His ear is inclined to my prayer. How do I know that? Because I found it in Scripture! You pray for a good surgery and there’s a good surgery â is that a miracle? Of course it is! Because it could have been a bad surgery.”
On the wall behind him, where other worshippers might hang a crucifix or rest the Torah, huge brass letters spell out “HONOR GOD” and “HELP PEOPLE.” Replacing the mysteries. Because when Pastor Jeff scans his flock’s anxious faces, he sees a hunger for clarity and peace, success, love, reassurance.
“When anxieties enter my heart, I have to counter them,” he calls out, listing off CNN news, terrorist threats, airport security and election politics, and repeating after each item, “God is going to see us through.”
“Here’s the chant,” he finishes. “‘Have faith in God.’” People repeat the words again and again, arms raised in praise. Their country is being attacked by foreign fanatics and their society is rotting from within. Faith is the best way they know to fight back.
“September 11 hit America,” Pastor Jeff continues. “We have a president that took a stand. He is a believer. He came to town, we had a meeting, he explained what he had to do. These are warriors that don’t respond to negotiation. It’s like the Bible: David didn’t negotiate with the Philistines.”
He paces, his words impassioned. “There will be more of those attacks on the earth. Whenever there were wars through the ages, the church responded by putting their faith into God, and then certain things happened and the church surged forward. We are about to come into some of that.” A man sitting alone in back leans forward eagerly. “God is getting ready to download some wild exploits,” promises Pastor Jeff. “God has called us to something big, and it’s going to take childlike faith. Nation-changing faith.”
In other words, the faith of George W. Bush.
The Growth of Evangelism
“Evangelical Christians used to be 40 percent of American Protestants; now they’re over 60 percent,” says Michael Hout, professor of sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. “Different birth rates account for 70 percent of that growth: Evangelicals have had an extra child per family for about 35 years. The other 30 percent comes from a process few sociologists of religion anticipated. Upwardly mobile Evangelicals used to mark their arrival in the local establishment by joining the Episcopalian or Presbyterian Church. No more. Now they stay evangelical and start a power brokers’ prayer breakfast.”
The shift extends to the top: Every U.S. president since 1976 has professed to be born again. White evangelicals, once split evenly along partisan lines, are now nearly two-to-one Republican. The Pew Forum’s Fourth National Survey of Religion and Politics found that, since 1992, the number of evangelical Protestants who consider themselves conservative has jumped 13 percent.
Even historically Democratic African American evangelicals are backing President Bush in larger numbers (18 percent, double the number who voted for him in 2000, says the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies).
“It’s very hard to find a consistent ideological thread in this country,” remarks Scott Keeter, director of survey research at the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press. “Our system is split on at least two axes that don’t logically go together, the social axis and the economic axis. But in the case of the Republican party and the evangelicals who now comprise more than half of all Republicans, there is a better fit, because they are both culturally and economically conservative.”
Democrats have reached no consensus about God’s will; most can’t stomach the notion of trying. But line up conservative religious values next to the current platform of the Republican party and the pieces fit like a jigsaw puzzle.
Joseph Holst was 20, and heavily into drugs, when a woman whose carpet he was cleaning invited him to the Family Church. “She began to tell me how I could start over, have a clean slate,” he recalls. “I didn’t fully understand what she was saying, but I went, and when the praise and worship started, I started to cry.” He knows now that he was submitting to God’s plan. He’d been saved.
Holst has attended the Family Church ever since. “I have a blueprint for my life now,” he says. “Everything has fallen into place.” Drugs are over: “God has weeded all of that out of my life.” He pauses. “It’s also helped me to love people. I was pretty cold before I met the Lord. Now, if I get cut off on the highway, I don’t stick my middle finger out the window, because I know that’s a person for whom Jesus d












